![La mission de L'oea](http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume9-42/en1.jpg) Haiti’s
Provisional President Jocelerme Privert visited New York
this past weekend to attend the Apr. 22 signing, by many
heads of state and government, of the Paris Climate
Agreement which was reached on Dec. 12, 2015. In
addition to that ceremony at the United Nations General
Assembly, President Privert held several other meetings
with UN and other government officials, as well as with
businessmen and Haitian doctors, among others. On
Saturday, he also made a mostly unpublicized visit to
Brooklyn’s Haitian community, where Haïti Liberté’s Kim
Ives was granted an exclusive interview at Tonèl
Restaurant. The interview was conducted in Kreyòl and
has been translated into English. - - - -
President
Privert, you are now 76 days into your mandate of 120
days. The political situation is very polarized with the
majority of the Haitian people and the political class
asking for an electoral verification commission but with
Washington and the Haitian Bald Headed Party (PHTK)
opposing it. Do you think you can determine what were
the irregularities of the Aug. 9 and Oct. 25 elections,
take the appropriate corrective measures, which may
include new elections, and have an elected government in
place within the 44 days remaining in your mandate?
First, I do not believe that it is
my responsibility as provisional president to say if
there were irregularities or not in an election. That’s
the responsibility of the political actors.
I will remind people that an election was held on
Oct. 25. The results were published in November, and
there was foreseen a second round with two clearly
identified candidates. As soon as the results came out,
there was much controversy around those results. The
actors, the political parties, clearly showed their
refusal to accept the results they were given. There
were two candidates who were to go to a second round,
but there was one of them, despite the election results,
who said he would not go to a run-off until light was
shed on the irregularities that everyone was denouncing.
The second round was set for Dec. 27. It was
postponed to Jan. 17. It was then postponed to Jan. 24.
Have the problems which caused the run-off to be
postponed three times been resolved yet?
Thus, today, the actors are asking that trust be
restored to the electoral process for them to return to
elections. It is not the provisional president who asks
it, it is the political actors. Can we have a
presidential election with a single presidential
candidate? We can’t do that. Thus we must restore trust
in the electoral process so that the actors can accept
returning to participate in the elections. That’s the
first element.
The second element is that you said I have 44
days left since I’ve been in power 76 days. The 120 days
which is written into the Feb. 5 accord did not come out
of thin air, it is the country’s very Constitution which
says it: in the event of a presidential vacancy,
elections for a new president will be organized within
60 to 120 days. What does that mean? When there is a
presidential vacancy, that doesn’t mean there is no
government. That doesn’t mean there is no electoral
council.
In the case of what happened on Feb. 14, when
President [Michel] Martelly came to the end of his
mandate [on Feb. 7], there was a government, but it
didn’t have any constitutional legitimacy. There was no
electoral council because six of the nine members who
formed the CEP [Provisional Electoral Council] had
resigned.
My mandate in the framework of the Feb. 5 accord
was:
First, enter into consultation with all the
political actors, both those who had representatives in
Parliament as well as those who did not. Enter into
consultations with all the actors of civil society for
me to form a government of consensus. I was inaugurated
on Feb. 14. On Feb. 24, that is 10 days later, I had
already named Fritz Jean as Prime Minister and I formed
a government.
Second, I had to form an Electoral Council. While
simultaneously consulting people for the formation of a
government, I was consulting sectors also to make an
Electoral Council. And since Feb. 24, the nine people to
form the Electoral Council were all already known and
available.
However, that accord which you refer to had three
people sign it: President Martelly, the President of the
Senate, which was me, and the President of the Chamber
of Deputies. Each of the actors had a responsibility.
The Chamber of Deputies has a responsibility. The Senate
has a responsibility. When I named Fritz Jean Prime
Minister on Feb. 24, it wasn’t until Mar. 19 that the
Chamber of Deputies rejected the choice of Fritz Jean.
That means 25 days had passed. As soon as they rejected
him, I returned to consultations, and on Mar. 25 I
formed a government.
Today, I have a government, I have an Electoral
Council. Since the date of elections is never the
responsibility of the president, it is the
responsibility of the Electoral Council, it is only the
Electoral Council which can say when elections can be
done in Haiti or not.
44 days, 76 days, you have to put it all in the
context of the conditions which are indispensable for
elections to be held in Haiti.
There is another
contradiction. The accusations of fraud and violence
apply to many of the parliamentary races. Are you ready
to confront parliamentarians who have vowed that there
will be no review of their so-called victories?
In its conclusions, the Evaluation
Commission which President Martelly formed last December
said there were many serious irregularities, and it
asked for a thorough verification of those
irregularities. Today, the Electoral Council, which has
a mandate to hold elections, says it is facing a
political blockage. Thus, I, as the President of the
Republic, respecting the Constitution which gives me the
right to assure the smooth functioning of the state so
that I can allow the Electoral Council to function well,
and it says there is a political blockage, so I enter
again into consultations with all the political actors
for me to find the way to allow the Electoral Council to
remove that blockage which is making it unable to
organize the election.
Does that mean
that some of the Parliamentary seats may be challenged?
It’s not me who has the power to
say that.
Assuming that
your 120 day mandate is not enough to usher in an
elected government, will you seek to obtain a renewal of
your mandate from this contested parliament, and do you
think that this parliament, which is largely hostile to
verification, would renew your mandate?
What says that the Parliament is
contested? That is an opinion. Presently, there are
three powers constituting the State, that is the
executive, the judiciary, and the legislature. We have
these two institutions which are functional: the
Parliament and the Executive. When you talk of May 14, I
return with you to the Feb. 5 accord. It was very clear,
all the signers were agreed, there might be constraints
to prevent elections being held Apr. 24, there might be
constraints that prevent a new president coming to power
on May 14. That’s why even in the accord they say: “if
in the 120 days, the objectives foreseen in the
framework of this accord are not achieved, it falls to
the National Assembly to take the measures that are
necessary.” The National Assembly is a meeting of the
Chamber of Deputies and the Senate.
You think they
will renew your mandate then?
I don’t have anything to say about
that. I have one thing in mind: the political stability
of this country. For almost 30 years, we’ve been holding
elections. Every election we have always becomes an
electoral crisis, and from an electoral crisis, a
political crisis. Today, I am motivated to organize an
election which will finally put an end to the political
instability in the country, to allow at least investors
who can invest in the country to finish with this
question of poverty which is the principal scourge that
affects the Haitian people.
You have lived
through coups d’état before. The last time I saw you was
in 2005 in the National Penitentiary where you were a
political prisoner. With the situation becoming more
contentious, do you think it possible that there could
be another military coup d’état, either by right-wing
paramilitary forces, who have expressed their readiness
to act, or by the UN Mission to Stabilize Haiti
(MINUSTAH)?
Myself, I have not lived through
coups d’état. As a Haitian citizen, I always see coups
d’état carried out. Today, is it possible for the
country to return to an anachronism whose time is past?
Are there people who still dream of replacing popular
sovereignty? The nation’s Constitution says that people
can come to power only through elections, and I believe
that anybody who wants the well-being of the Haitian
people, if he or she comes to power, he or she should
come to power by way of the ballot box.
In an attempt to
pressure your government, Washington and its allied
international institutions have begun to turn off the
aid spigot to Haiti, despite the worst food crisis in
decades. Were you surprised by that, and what do you
intend to do about it?
I won’t respond to your question
they way you’ve posed it. An International Monetary Fund
delegation came to Haiti last November. It made an
evaluation of the macro-economic situation of the
country. It was supposed to return in January. It did
not return in January. There had not been a change in
government. They didn’t return because the government
had not made the economic reforms it had to make. So,
since then, the direct financial assistance to Haiti has
stopped. We call that budgetary support.
Today, it is true, the country faces a serious
crisis of food insecurity which threatens 3.5 million
Haitian citizens. And if we do nothing, five million
people can be affected by this food crisis. Every
contact, every meeting, every discussion I have with
Haiti’s partners, what they call the donors – whether
it’s the United States government, the Canadian
government, the European Union – all are agreed to give
humanitarian assistance to Haiti to deal with this food
insecurity. Aid to Haiti has never been an easy thing.
Furthermore, we can say, after the earthquake,
there were many people mobilized to bring humanitarian
assistance to Haiti, but until today the aid which is
necessary for us to repair the damage caused by the
earthquake has never yet arrived. We can realize that
Haiti is a country that is still in ruins because all
the public buildings which were destroyed are all still
on the ground. That means, Haiti needs assistance. We
need assistance, we need the capacity to rebuild, to
repair all the damage that all the natural catastrophes
have caused in Haiti.
What is your
opinion of the inquiry being conducted by Sen. Youri
Latortue into the corruption of previous Haitian
governments, when, according to U.S. Embassy cables
released by Wikileaks, Latortue is himself a “poster boy
for political corruption”?
When I arrived in power, there were
many political actors who asked me to create a
commission of administrative inquiry for me to shed
light on the way the government was administering public
funds, particularly the PetroCaribe fund. I am someone
who believe in the law, I believe in the Constitution, I
believe in the country’s institutions.
Publicly, I have said that I’m opposed to the
creation of any commission of administrative inquiry for
it not to be transformed into an institution of
political persecution. I am not against the institutions
which the law created to audit the administration of all
public officials from doing their work. I say the
institutions which are there to do that should do it. I
am talking about the Court of Auditors, the Unit for the
Struggle against Corruption (ULCC), the Central
Financial Intelligence Unit (UCREF). I say it is with
these three institutions that we can create a task force
to evaluate how state money was spent.
Every parliamentarian, whether deputy or senator,
he has the purview to shed light on how any public
official handles state money. What is desirable, whether
it is a commission of administrative inquiry, the Court
of Auditors, the ULCC, or the UCREF, I have the
responsibility to prevent any action from being done
outside of the law, outside of the Constitution, for it
not to be perceived as a case of political persecution.
The Parliament, as a sovereign entity, it can assure
that public funds are well managed but it is not good
for a parliamentary commission to take political
revenge, for them to take their prerogative to persecute
people. That is why I exhort my parliamentary colleagues
to work in strict respect of the law and the
Constitution.
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