More than a month after his selection as Haiti’s
provisional president, Jocelerme Privert finally has a
government. His nomination for prime minister, and a 16
member cabinet, was approved by parliament in a marathon
session that ended early this morning. It was a
necessary first step in getting the delayed electoral
process moving again, though no official date has been
set.
But as
the political crisis drags on, international actors are
increasing the pressure on the provisional government,
reducing aid just as the country needs it most.
Economic growth is stagnant, and millions of
Haitians are facing food shortages after a series of
droughts in the countryside. With inflation well in the
double digits and a local currency that has lost 20
percent of its value in the last six months, many
Haitians are scrambling to survive. But, an
International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreement, which could
provide funds necessary to stabilize the economy and
exchange rate, has stalled. Furthermore, support from
the European Union and other donors is contingent upon
the IMF agreement, leaving Haiti even worse off.
Newly installed Provisional President Jocelerme
Privert has warned of an
“alarming and catastrophic”
economic situation, adding that the state has few
resources to respond to the many humanitarian crises
still plaguing the country. In a
radio interview
earlier this month, Privert stated that because of the
IMF delays, “all non-humanitarian funding is blocked.”
In an e-mailed statement, the IMF said that
disbursements had been delayed because “the political
transition in Haiti has taken longer than expected.” The
Fund said it hoped the “conditions [for reengaging] can
be put into place as soon as possible.” The IMF did not
respond when asked if the elections were one of these
“conditions.”
A World Bank spokesperson said that existing
projects would continue, but that the bank would have to
“discuss with our management” before any new programs
were approved or new agreements signed. The
Inter-American Development Bank rejected Privert’s
comments, stating: “neither IMF program evolution nor
the current political situation have any impact to date
on our support to the country.” However, the IDB added
that there would need to be a review of the economic
situation in the coming months before 2016 budget
support could be released. The IMF program had
anticipated $27 million in IDB budget support being
released this month. The European Union significantly
reduced its budget support
last month.
Despite the impacts on the Haitian people, some
suggest the reduction is being used as leverage to
influence the ongoing political crisis. According to
Robert Fatton, a professor at the University of
Virginia, this type of financial squeezing is another
form of political coercion in order to force the Haitian
government and its citizens “into accepting certain
political choices that they might otherwise reject.”
Elections were postponed in January after months
of protests and calls for an investigation into
electoral fraud. Privert was elected by parliament as
provisional president for a term of 120 days after
former President Michel Martelly’s term ended on
February 7. A political accord, signed on Martelly’s way
out of office, tentatively set the date for the
postponed election for April 24.
International actors have tried to combat the
allegations of fraud and calls for a further
verification of the results before moving forward. At a
U.N. Security Council meeting last week, representatives
from the United States and European Union insisted that
elections be held within the accord’s timeframe, based
on previous results.
But at a
recent event in
Washington, D.C., Pierre Esperance, the director of a
prominent Haitian human rights organization, said there
“is not even a 1 percent chance” that the election can
be held as scheduled. He warned that a verification
“commission must happen, otherwise there will be no
election.” Privert has indicated that he would be open
to such a commission.
After having pushed for the previously scheduled
elections to be held despite mounting opposition, the
international community is now ratcheting up the
pressure on the provisional government to stick to the
tentative electoral calendar and forego a verification
of the vote.
Asked by the
Miami Herald
editorial board if the U.S. would support
a verification commission for the election, the U.S.
State Department Special Coordinator for Haiti, Kenneth
Merten, said that it was not up to the U.S., but added:
“people in Haiti will need to make that decision knowing
what other things are at stake in Haiti right now …
There is an opportunity cost for political
machinations.”
The reduction of aid “is a sign that the
international community wants neither a prolongation of
the electoral process, nor the creation of an
independent commission of verification,” Fatton added.
Donors say they are hesitant to work with an
unelected provisional government. Kent Brokenshire, the
Deputy Special Coordinator for Haiti at the State
Department, told a crowded room in Congress earlier this
month that the U.S. wanted elections quickly so that
there would be a “democratically elected head of state
with whom we would be able to deal country to country.”
Yet in the past donors have shown no reluctance to
working with Haiti’s transitional governments.
In the early 2000s, development assistance to
Haiti was curtailed under then-president Jean-Bertrand
Aristide, but, after the February 2004 coup and
installation of a transitional government, the IMF
actually
signed a new agreement
with the country to help “stabilize the economy and cope
with the immediate impact of the [political] conflict.”
International actors then held a donor conference a few
months later to raise funds for Haiti. The U.S.
committed to
tripling its aid disbursements.
Many in Haiti also hold the international
community at least partially responsible for the current
political crisis. After
intervening in the 2010
elections that brought Martelly to office,
international actors showed unwavering support
throughout the Haitian government’s six years in office,
despite multiple elections never being held. Then, after
deeply marred legislative and first-round elections in
2015, the international community backed the results,
urging the process to continue despite local election
observers denouncing a “massive fraud.”
When elections in January were canceled against
the wishes of the international community, their ability
to directly influence the situation was diminished, but
as the crisis drags on new forms of pressure have become
apparent. In the meantime, the humanitarian situation
worsens. Privert has warned that if nothing is done
quickly, some 5 million Haitians, about 50 percent of
the population, will face food insecurity in the coming
months.
“International assistance has always been
‘political,’ so this is not really new,” Fatton
commented. “Dependent countries like Haiti have very
limited room to maneuver; their sovereignty is always at
bay.”
This
article was
originally published
on AlterNet. Jake Johnston is a Research Associate at
the
Center for Economic and Policy
Research in Washington, D.C. and lead author
for CEPR’s Haiti: Relief and Reconstruction Watch blog.
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