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				  by Kim Ives 
                
				 Mar. 
				20, 2013 marks the second anniversary of a patently illegal and 
				exclusionary election that brought President Michel Martelly to 
				power. 
				            The first round of that 
				election, held on Nov. 28, 2010, was a complete fiasco, marred 
				by disorganization, voter fraud, and disenfranchisement. 
				Furthermore, months earlier, Haiti’s largest party, the Lavalas 
				Family of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, had been 
				illegally and arbitrarily excluded from fielding a candidate. 
				            Thirteen of the 18 presidential 
				candidates held a joint press conference and issued a joint 
				statement the same day calling for the election to be annulled 
				and reheld. 
				            But Edmond Mulet, the head of 
				the UN military occupation force known as MINUSTAH, called two 
				of the candidates – Mirlande Manigat and Michel Martelly – and 
				assured them they were front-runners. Jettisoning principle, the 
				two about-faced and backtracked on their call for annulment. 
				            Haiti’s Provisional Electoral 
				Council (CEP) announced first round results on Dec. 7, saying 
				Manigat had placed first and Jude Célestin of the ruling party, 
				Unity, second. Martelly had placed a close third, edged out by 
				about 7,000 votes, the CEP said. The Haitian Constitution says 
				that the CEP is the “final arbiter” of all Haitian elections. 
				            As Martelly’s supporters 
				launched violent demonstrations, Washington mobilized the 
				Organization of American States (which Cuba wryly dubs the U.S. 
				“Ministry of Colonial Affairs”) to send a delegation of mostly 
				North American “election experts” to recalculate the vote and 
				pronounce Martelly the second place finisher. 
				            “There was enormous political 
				pressure brought to bear by the United States and its allies – 
				the same countries who dominated the OAS Mission – for Haiti’s 
				CEP to accept the Mission’s reversal of the first round election 
				results,” the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) 
				explained in an
				
				August 2011 report on the 
				OAS intervention. “U.S. Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice 
				threatened Haiti with a possible cut-off of aid if the 
				government did not accept the Mission’s recommendations... 
				According to multiple reports, ‘the international community …. 
				threatened [then Haitian President René] Préval with immediate 
				exile if he does not bow to their interpretation of election 
				results.’”  
				            Furthermore, the OAS Mission 
				“did not establish any legal, statistical, or other logical 
				basis for its conclusions,” the CEPR study found. In short, the 
				OAS overruled Haiti’s CEP “for political reasons,” the CEPR 
				concluded. 
				            However, the CEP, Haiti’s 
				“final arbiter” in elections, never validated the OAS findings. 
				And the OAS was perfectly aware of this. On Mar. 19, 2011, the 
				day before the election, Colin Granderson, the head of the OAS/Caricom 
				election observer team, 
                acknowledged to Haïti Liberté and 
				other journalists that the election was illegal because the CEP 
				had not signed off on the first round. “It is one of our 
				concerns,” he said. 
				            Martelly went on to win the 
				Mar. 20 run-off, which, like the first round, drew less than 25% 
				of Haiti’s electorate, a record low turn-out for a presidential 
				election not just in Haiti, but in the hemisphere. 
				            Having outrageously meddled in 
				Haiti’s sovereign electoral process, Washington continues down 
				the same road today with Martelly as its apparently gleeful 
				accomplice. This week, the U.S. Embassy tried to push the 
				presidents of Haiti’s Senate and Chamber of Deputies to confirm 
				three members proposed by a Bicameral Parliamentary Commission 
				to the Transitory College of the Permanent Electoral Council (CTCEP). 
				The CTCEP is a completely unconstitutional body concocted in 
				response to the outcry over Martelly’s illegal and heavy-handed 
				formation of a Permanent Electoral Council. Many senators and 
				deputies have called on Martelly to simply select, in 
				conjunction with the Parliament, a compromise Provisional 
				Electoral Council to hold long delayed elections for one-third 
				of the Senate’s seats, which expired last May. This is the path 
				prescribed by Haiti’s Constitution. 
				            To complicate matters further, 
				Senate president Simon Dieuseul Desras is said to be traveling 
				in Haiti’s provinces. Sen. Andris Riché from the Struggling 
				People’s Organization (OPL) is acting in his stead and claims that 
				Desras gave him a green-light to proceed with the vote. But Sauveur Pierre Etienne, the OPL’s coordinator, has called 
				Martelly’s and Washington’s effort to establish the CTCEP, which 
				would be stacked with Martelly’s hand-picked representatives, an 
				“electoral hold-up.” 
				
				
				            
				
				A Haitian proverb says “A leaky house can fool the sun, but it 
				can't fool the rain.” The popular movement which brought 
				Aristide to power in 1990 and 2000 has often been compared to 
				water, specifically a Lavalas, meaning flood in Kreyòl. The 
				leaky house created by the March 2011 elections appears to be 
				flooding from a rising tide of protest as people around Haiti 
				march against Martelly’s cavalier, corrupt and repressive 
				regime, set in place, once again, by Washington. A bogus 
				electoral council, which can only produce another bogus 
				election, will only make matters worse. |