Haiti
held presidential and legislative elections again on
Sun., Nov. 20, and this alone was a minor victory. To
reach this point, Haitians had to largely boycott three
fraudulent elections and replace Michel Martelly’s rule
in February 2016 with an interim administration. This
transition government has been sufficiently honest to
verify the election results of October 2015. An
Independent Committee for Electoral Evaluation and
Verification (Commission
Indépendante d’Evaluation et de Vérification Electorale,
CIEVE) discovered that “zombies” had cast about 70% of
the ballots. In other words, in elections that were
reported to have had a 25% turnout, the real
participation was only 6% of the eligible 6.2 million
voters, and the rest of the voters were
fabricated.
The interim government took to heart the
recommendations of CIEVE to repeat the elections and
remove foreign influence from them. Haiti raised $48
million on its own for these elections. The country
seemed on a smooth path to a free-and-fair plebiscite
until category-four Hurricane Matthew made landfall in
southwest Haiti five days before the scheduled date of
Oct. 9. The elections had to be postponed.
Contrary to predictions, the main problems of the
post-hurricane elections have had little to do with the
damage to the polling stations. The claims in the media
of massive damage to these stations have been greatly
exaggerated and used to pressure the government to seek
more money for the elections. The United States has
assisted Haiti’s
elections again, through the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), for some unspecified sum, with
rebuilding its polling stations. Other concerns include:
an opaque new method of vote
tabulation that was
announced only on Nov. 16 by Haiti’s Provisional
Electoral Council (Conseil
Electoral Provisoire, CEP);
claims from human
rights organizations and political parties that
foreigners will tabulate the election results;
journalist reports that many citizens were not granted
their national identification cards (Carte
d’Identification Nationale,
CIN), which were
required for voting; police reports that some
individuals possessed large sets of CINs; and finally,
the rains that have battered Haiti and caused floods,
especially in the North, throughout November.
Haitians are trying to mend the political
unraveling of their country since the cholera elections
of 2010-11 spewed out the vulgar musician Michel
Martelly. According to Wikileaks-procured Clinton
e-mails, top aide Chery Mills advised her boss, U.S.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to go to Haiti to
demand a change in the results of the first-round
November 2010 elections, while publicly extolling the
U.S. partnership with Haiti. To remove popular candidate
Jude Célestin from the race, the Organization of
American States (OAS) changed its vote-tabulation method
to discard most of the votes that had been cast for him.
Clinton and Mills got, as the second-round candidates,
the “MMs” they wanted: Mirlande Manigat and Michel
Martelly. Of course, Michel Martelly won.
With the full support of Bill and Hillary
Clinton, by the earthquake’s fifth anniversary in
January 2015, Haiti
had become a cholera kleptocracy. About $13 billion of
aid money had been laundered through the country,
leaving Port-au-Prince unreconstructed. The Parliament
had dissolved from neglect, because no local or
legislative elections had been held in four years. All
the
mayors and other
elected local officials had been replaced by so-called
“interim agents,” many of them known criminals, who
answered directly to Martelly. Public outcry and massive
protests at the state of affairs forced Martelly in
spring 2015 to organize legislative, local, and
presidential elections in August and October 2015, but
as we learned, these elections were rigged.
On November 20, 2016 Haitians went to the polls
to elect 16 out of 30 senators plus 25 out of 109
representatives (députés),
and consider 27 presidential candidates, the top four of
whom were
(1)
Jude Célestin,
a mechanical engineer and the former executive director
of Haiti’s construction ministry, the National Center of
Equipment (CNE). He is the man whom Hillary Clinton
personally intervened to have removed from the March
2011 run-off election. Now running under the banner of
the Alternative League for Progress and Haitian
Emancipation (LAPEH), he again placed second in the Oct.
25, 2015 contest but, due to the evident fraud, he
refused to take part in a second round until the results
were independently verified. He thereby facilitated the
boycott movement
that led to new elections.
(2)
Moïse
Jean-Charles, previously Haiti’s Senator for the
North Department. The North is the site of Haiti’s gold
mines and an area in which Hillary Clinton’s brother,
Tony Rodham, continues to have great financial interest.
For years, Moïse Jean-Charles kept Martelly in check by
his work in the Senate and by helping to organize
countless protests against Martelly, the Clintons’
corrupt Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC),
and the United Nations military occupation. In 2015, he
formed the Dessalines Children (Pitit Desalin) party, a
breakaway from the Lavalas Family party.
(3)
Maryse Narcisse,
a former public health minister who is supported by
former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. In principle,
she should have massive support because of her
association with Aristide and the long-popular Lavalas
Family party, but her base has shrunk now that Lavalas
has splintered into two parties. Narcisse kept mostly
silent during the Martelly administration except for
occasional commemorations of Lavalas anniversaries.
(4)
Jovenel Moise,
a rich banana farmer/businessman who was nationally
unknown until he ran for president. He is the candidate
of the Haitian Party of the Bald Heads (Parti Haïtien Tet Kale, PHTK), founded by former President Martelly.
Not coincidentally, Jovenel placed first in the
Martelly-organized October 2015 elections, which were
found to be fraudulent.
The voter turnout was still low
this time around, although a larger number of Haiti’s
voters went to the polls. In the northern city of Cap
Haïtien, many people lined up under umbrellas in the
rain. More than 4,200 accredited Haitian observers were
deployed to monitor the voting centers, inside and out,
and over 12,000 police officers provided security.
Despite its tainted past, the OAS also had its own 130
observers, led by the Uruguayan Ambassador Juan Raul
Pereira, and UN troops were there too.
As the polls were closing, a suspicious
electrical blackout blanketed Port-au-Prince and most of
the country in darkness. Nevertheless, the U.S., OAS,
and UN immediately congratulated the country on its
well-organized, peaceful elections. This should be
worrisome, because in the past such statements have
always been coded language for “the fix is in.”
Presidential candidate Jovenel Moïse is alleged to have
distributed red roofing materials and 50 gourdes Digicel
phone cards in exchange for votes. The pollsters have
also been on his side, with some polls predicting that
he will win more than 50% of the votes in the first
round. Should this result be announced, Haiti will
probably explode in massive riots. On the other hand, if
somehow the elections manage to be reasonably free and
fair, it is likely that two of the top four candidates
will go to a run-off on Jan. 29, 2017.
Dady
Chery is a Haitian-born poet, playwright, journalist,
and scientist. She is the author of the book "We
Have Dared to Be Free: Haiti's Struggle Against
Occupation." The
original version of
this article was published on her blog, Haiti Chery.
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